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For over two decades, many liberals in Israel have attempted, with wide international support, to implement the two-state solution: Israel and Palestine, partitioned on the basis of the Green Line - that is, the line drawn by the 1949 Armistice Agreements that defined Israel’s borders until 1967, before Israel occupied the West Bank and Gaza following the Six-Day War. By going back to Israel’s pre-1967 borders, many people hope to restore Israel to what they imagine was its pristine, pre-occupation character and to provide a solid basis for a long-term solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
In this original and controversial essay, Yehouda Shenhav argues that this vision is an illusion that ignores historical realities and offers no long-term solution. It fails to see that the real problem is that a state was created in most of Palestine in 1948 in which Jews are the privileged ethnic group, at the expense of the Palestinians - who also must live under a constant state of emergency. The issue will not be resolved by the two-state solution, which will do little for the millions of Palestinian refugees and will also require the uprooting of hundreds of thousands of Jews living across the Green Line. All these obstacles require a bolder rethinking of the issues: the Green Line should be abandoned and a new type of polity created on the complete territory of mandatory Palestine, with a new set of constitutional arrangements that address the rights of both Palestinians and Jews, including the settlers.
- Sales Rank: #1995442 in Books
- Brand: Brand: Polity
- Published on: 2012-07-30
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.20" h x .75" w x 5.50" l, 1.10 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 256 pages
- Used Book in Good Condition
Review
"America's renewed push to save the two-state solution is going nowhere fast. We need a new paradigm - and Shenhav’s analysis is one of the best places we can start. It has profound implications for how we think of solving the Israel/Palestine conflict."
Mondoweiss
"Poses interesting historical insights and assessments of present-day Israel."
Morning Star
"Offers a meaningful critique to the ideology that the state has become undemocratic only because of the Six Day War."
Jerusalem Post
"Finding it timely and noteworthy for its original insights into Israeli society, Palestinians in Ramallah promptly translated into Arabic this political commentary on the precarious state in which Israel finds itself. This updated version now appearing in English promises to further widen the circle of those who are beginning to realize that relevant political paradigms have undergone radical change, that a classical two-state solution to the conflict is a fantasy (and perhaps always has been), and that new realities require new ideas. This work certainly belongs to a new genre of writing on the conflict."
Sari Nuseibeh, Al-Quds University
"Yehouda Shenhav makes an unusual and unsettling argument ... what appears on its face a 'progressive' position on the question of Israel and Palestine, is in fact censorial and duplicitous. The Israeli left's sanctimonious insistence in the face of the Jewish settlers of the West Bank that the settlements were illegal and that the proper borders of Israel are those of 1967, is nothing short of an ideological manoeuver. The purpose of the manoeuver is to obfuscate the fact that Israel itself is nothing short of a huge settlement project that was founded upon the displacement of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians and the systematic expropriation of the land they left behind."
Lama Abu Odeh, from the foreword
'Finding it timely and noteworthy for its original insights into Israeli society, Palestinians in Ramallah promptly translated into Arabic this political commentary on the precarious state in which Israel finds itself. This updated version now appearing in English promises further to widen the circle of those who are beginning to realize that relevant political paradigms have undergone radical change, that a classical two-state solution to the conflict is a fantasy (and perhaps always has been), and that new realities require new ideas. This work certainly belongs to a new genre of writing on the conflict.'
Sari Nuseibeh, Al-Quds University
'Yehouda Shenhav makes an unusual and unsettling argument...: what appears on its face a ‘progressive’ position on the question of Israel and Palestine, is in fact censorial and duplicitous. The Israeli left’s sanctimonious insistence in the face of the Jewish settlers of the West Bank that the settlements were illegal and that the proper borders of Israel are those of 1967, is nothing short of an ideological maneuver. The purpose of the maneuver is to obfuscate the fact that Israel itself is nothing short of a huge settlement project that was founded upon the displacement of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians and the systematic expropriation of the land they left behind.'
Lama Abu Odeh, from the Foreword
About the Author
Yehouda Shenhav is Professor of Sociology and Anthropology at Tel Aviv University.
Dimi Reider is an Israeli journalist and blogger, co-founder and contributing editor at +972 Magazine and occasional contributor to the New York Times, Foreign Policy, the New York Review of Books and the Daily Beast website.
Most helpful customer reviews
0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
Inadequate consideration of all relevant factors
By Jerome Blaz
I find his writing to be adequate, but his logic to be one-sided. He did not take incto consideration all the key factors needed to be considered to make a convincing argument, but by not including them, it gave his claims an appearance of being reasonable. I do not want to attempt to engage the writings in a polemic, but to further describe this book might just entice me to do so.
8 of 13 people found the following review helpful.
An Honest Restoration of History as a First Step
By David Swanson
Fast forward to 2048. The world is greatly changed, and in this year China invades France, occupying Paris and a good portion of the nation. The French are massacred, evicted, raped, chased, and terrorized. Towns are destroyed. Every town and village has its name changed to a Chinese name, and its prior existence erased from any history books produced from then forward.
Portions of France not yet under Chinese control shelter refugees by the millions. French citizens captured in their homes are held as "prisoners of war" and freed to become refugees in distant parts of France. China changes the name of its occupied areas from France to Chance. The remaining parts of the country are just referred to by their local (Chinese) names, as if they were part of no nation at all and yet somehow Chinese in the end.
For years, the Chancian government continues to expand and to assault the French people. With more and more immigrants from China, Chance becomes an apartheid nation with lesser rights for any French within it. In 2067, Chance launches a major assault, seizing control of much of what's left of France. The newly seized areas come to be called "the occupied territories," in contrast to the already occupied territories, which are called simply Chance.
As the years pass, Chancian children are born and raised in Chance who had nothing to do with the original invasion. In fact, they are never even told about it. At most they are taught that Chance was founded in 2048 when the French voluntarily left and the true border of the Chancian nation was drawn on a map with a purple line. That purple line is also called "the line of 2067," even though it was drawn in 2048. Outside of that purple line are the occupied territories and the few towns and villages left to the French.
Liberals in Chance propose giving "the occupied territories" back to the French and restoring the Purple Line, while conservatives propose eliminating the last French descendant from Europe. Those are the extremes of the political debate in Chance. Everything within the Purple Line is universally agreed upon as properly Chancian. The agreement runs so deep that the question is never raised at all. The original sin in Chancian history is dated to 2067 when the Chancian democracy strayed outside its natural borders and violated the rights of others for the first time.
But, of course, Chancian families are raised through the years outside as well as inside the Purple Line, a line that had never been agreed to in any way by the French, a line that would deny many of them the right to return to their homes.
The French want reparations and restoration. They date the catastrophe of their nation to 2048. The Chancians are willing to talk about undoing anything they've done since 2067, including through the creation of a French nation. The French nation would include several geographically separated bits of territory in northern and southern parts of the former France. It would remain subject to the rule of Chance on major questions. And the new France would have to agree to the rightful existence of Chance inside the Purple Line -- or the Purple Line plus a little.
So, a lengthy and seemingly endless process is created called the Peace Process. The French show up wanting to talk about 2048. The Chancians show up willing to talk only about 2067. The two sides never hear each other. There is never any peace. The Chancians announce at the end of each failed meeting that they "have no partner" with which to negotiate peace. Hostilities and a permanent state of emergency prevail, with French people within Chance and Chance's "occupied territories" deprived of basic rights, imprisoned, tortured, and assaulted. The other nations of Europe join with the French in resenting the behavior of Chance. The nations of Asia, however, celebrate Chance as "the only democracy in Europe."
***
There are several differences between this story and the story of Israel and Palestine. Some of the differences are trivial: The dates are 1948 and 1967, not 2048 and 2067. The line is green rather than purple. Some of the differences are significant: The Jewish culture always had ties to Israel. The religious element allows for an intermediary class of citizens consisting of Arab Jews. Et cetera.
But morally, the differences seem only to obscure what matters. The state of Israel was created through ethnic cleansing. It was created as a state to privilege one religious group, something that states should not do. But two wrongs cannot make a right. Evicting Israelis from their homes, inside or outside the Green Line, is not a solution.
Yehouda Shenhav's new book, "Beyond the Two State Solution: A Jewish Political Essay" tells the story above, but straightforwardly, without the analogy. The language of the Green Line, Shenhav writes, is "a language through which Israel is described as a liberal democracy, while the Arabs (and Mizrachi and religious Jews to boot) are described as inferior and undemocratic. This is the language of someone who came to the Middle East for a short while, not to integrate but to exist here as a guest. The position it expresses is not only immoral with regard to the Palestinians, but also potentially disastrous for the Jews. It commits them to life in a ghetto with a limited idea of democracy based on racial laws and a perpetual state of emergency."
Shenhav wants to restore awareness of 1948, but not to try to reconstruct the world of 1948. He does not propose eliminating Israel. He does not propose uniting the people of Israel and Palestine into a single nation.
He does propose allowing Palestinians to return to their homes in a manner least disturbing to Israelis already living in those villages or buildings, including with compensation paid to residents evicted by an agreement with returning refugees. He proposes a bilingual society, with a fragmented political federation. He expects this to be very difficult, while preferable to any other approach. And he rightly sees the first step as recovering honesty with regards to not-so-distant history.
0 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
A welcome look at the situation
By Joseph Oppenheim
What is good about this book is that it does look at 1948, rather than 1967 as the better place to look for an eventual peace agreement. As such, he proposes a way to re-integrate some of the originally disenfranchised Palestinian families into a remaining state of Israel. So, definitely more agreeable to Jews and Israelis than most Palestinians, especially those who only want a one state solution. So, a welcome addition to the discussion, but likely to go no where until the Palestinians come up with some peace deals which most Palestinians want.....then Israel can respond to those. I'd be interested in a response to this book by some Palestinian leaders who want a peace deal.
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